Research framework and broader academic knowledge base
Serbia: documented application of the same framework
What makes a democracy strong enough to withstand an attack from within?
Democracy is more resilient when the government cannot remove all restrictions with one move and none of its defenders are left alone. Independent courts, professional administration, free media, real opposition, civic organizations and fair electoral bodies should have their own powers and can turn other people’s findings into consequences.
The expectations of politicians are also important: if defeat means prison, loss of property or physical danger, they have a stronger reason to cling to power; if the law protects them, a peaceful shift is more likely. Resilience is not a permanent feature of any constitutional member. It depends on people, money, habits and public support, so an institution that has endured the first attack may fall when it is exhausted or when others can no longer help it.
Resilience is not a permanent assessment of the country. The institution can withstand one attack, and fall when left alone, without money or without public support.
Works supporting this answer, with their evidence type and an explanation of how they relate to the claim.
comparison of different combinations of conditions
Panzano, G. i Tomini, L. (2026), „Unity Makes Strength: Patterns of Democratic Resistance against Autocratization“, European Journal of Political Research, First View: 1–26.
- Contribution to this answer
- Panzano and Tomini show on 69 episodes of autocratization that democracy is most reliably not defended by a “heroic” actor, but by combinations of resistance from several fields institutions, political actors, society and the external environment. Individual measure can help, but its success depends much more on the concrete context.
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Lührmann, A. (2021), „Disrupting the Autocratization Sequence: Towards Democratic Resilience“, Democratization 28(5): 1017–1039.
Lührmann, A. (2021), "Disrupting the Autocratization Sequence: Towards Democratic Resilience", Democratization 28(5): 1017–1039.
- Contribution to this answer
- Lhrmann breaks down autocratization into a number of stages and shows that this sequence can be interrupted in different places: before the rise of anti-pluralist actors, during their political rise and when they already begin to weaken institutions. When erosion begins, resilient institutions and coordinated, adaptive opposition become the last line of defense.
Detailed analysis of one or several cases
Laebens, M. G. i Lührmann, A. (2021), „What Halts Democratic Erosion? The Changing Role of Accountability“, Democratization 28(5): 908–928.
- Contribution to this answer
- On the cases of Benin, Ecuador and South Korea, the authors show that democratic weakening can be stopped even after it has begun through different combinations of judicial and parliamentary oversight, the media and civil society and electoral competition. The most important thing is that different sources of responsibility are reinforced at the same time, not that an institution is expected to stop the process itself.
comparing several countries or cases
Cleary, M. R. i Öztürk, A. (2022), „When Does Backsliding Lead to Breakdown? Uncertainty and Opposition Strategies in Democracies at Risk“, Perspectives on Politics 20(1): 205–221.
- Contribution to this answer
- Cleary and ztrk show that the outcome does not depend only on the move of the government: the way in which the opposition answers can help or hinder the defense of democracy. In their five cases, irregular attempts to remove the elected leader outside of democratic procedures have facilitated the breakdown, while more procedural answers have given the opposition time to save space until the next election opportunity.
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Ginsburg, T. i Huq, A. Z. (2018), How to Save a Constitutional Democracy, University of Chicago Press.
- Contribution to this answer
- Ginsburg and Huq view democracy as a combination of three interdependent elements real electoral competition, speech and association rights and the rule of law. Constitutional rules can make erosion difficult, but they do not automatically prevent it: it is important that institutions really limit power and that politicians expect to find themselves in opposition one day.
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