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AUTHORITARIANISM - RESEARCH ATLASAUTLAS

How authoritarian systems work

Clear answers based on comparative research, with sources and the limits of every conclusion made visible.

100questions
20areas
148academic works
Go to AVtokratijaOpen the Serbia case study with documented findings and local sources.

SIX ENTRIES INTO THE MATRIX

Which question do you want to start with?

Concrete questions are the starting point. The other 94 are available through the map of 20 areas.

MAP OF THE AUTHORITARIAN SYSTEM

Twenty areas guide you through the system as a whole.

Select an area to see why it matters and which five questions it opens.

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WHY THIS AREA MATTERS

How people organize and when protest changes power

The number of people in the street is not the same as the power to change a decision or a government. Organization, a shared goal, persistence, and changed behavior inside the system are also needed.
AUTLAS›How people organize and when protest changes power
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Research-based answerAUTLAS Research Base

Why are nonviolent campaigns often more successful than violent ones - and when are they not?

Confidence in the conclusionquite substantiated, with important conditions
key academic works5

“Peaceful campaigns often take precedence because they can involve many more people employees, the elderly, families, experts and people who would not accept armed risk.

Wider participation brings information, skills and social connections, makes it difficult for the authorities to present all participants as dangerous and increases the possibility that the police, officials or business allies refuse to cooperate with the regime. Violence, in contrast, often narrows the circle of participants and the authorities give justification for a stronger force. But non-violence is not a magical protection or guarantee success. Small and isolated group, extremely rich government, strong external support to the regime or interference tactics can show.

What the general answer does not allow us to conclude

Campaigns choose their tactics according to the conditions in which they operate, so comparison is not a perfect experiment. The result is a strong historical pattern, but it is not a promise of success.

Works supporting this answer, with their evidence type and an explanation of how they relate to the claim.

A01

data from a large number of countries

Chenoweth, E. i Stephan, M. J. (2011), Why Civil Resistance Works: The Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conflict, Columbia University Press.

Contribution to this answer
Chenoweth and Stephan find that large nonviolent campaigns between 1900 and 2006 have historically succeeded significantly more often than violent ones. Their main advantage is not “moral superiority”, but a lower barrier to participation: they can involve much more and more diverse people, use broader repertoire tactics and more easily challenge the transition of people who have supported the regime until then.
Open source ↗
A02

critical review of more research

Chenoweth, E. (2023), „The Role of Violence in Nonviolent Resistance“, Annual Review of Political Science 26: 55–77.

Contribution to this answer
Chenoweth shows why this finding should not be turned into a simple rule of “every violence destroys the movement”. The survey finds that organized armed violence generally reduces the chances of an otherwise nonviolent campaign to succeed, while the effects of unarmed collective violence and disorder are much more vague and depend on the context, intensity and way the public sees them.
Open source ↗
A03

data from a large number of countries

Manekin, D. i Mitts, T. (2022), „Effective for Whom? Ethnic Identity and Nonviolent Resistance“, American Political Science Review 116(1): 161–180.

Contribution to this answer
Manekin and Mitts show that the advantage of nonviolence is not equally available to everyone: the protest of the ethnic minority can be perceived as more violent and dangerous even when using the same nonviolent tactics as the majority group. In their data, nonviolence significantly increases the success of dominant groups, while this advantage is much weaker for marginalized minorities.
Open source ↗
A04

data from a large number of countries

Kirisci, M. i Demirhan, E. (2021), „Resource Wealth as Leverage: Natural Resources and the Failure of Non-Violent Campaigns“, Government and Opposition 56(1): 102–120.

Contribution to this answer
Kirisci and Demirhan show another limit: nonviolent campaigns are more likely to fail in countries with high revenues from natural resources, especially oil. Such money from the authorities gives the opportunity to neutralize potential domestic and external support to the movement, so tactics that are more successful on average are not equally successful against every opponent.
Open source ↗
A05

research that checks more closely what the cause is

Wasow, O. (2020), „Agenda Seeding: How 1960s Black Protests Moved Elites, Public Opinion, and Voting“, American Political Science Review 114(3): 638–659.

Contribution to this answer
Wasow shows how much the outcome depends on the reaction of the audience: non-violent protests of the civil rights movement, especially when the protesters were the target of repression, moved media and political attention towards civil rights; violent protests moved it towards order and control. The tactics thus change and what people think the protest is actually a story about.
Open source ↗

ABOUT US AND OUR METHODOLOGY

Many sources. Clear methodology. Verifiable answers.

AUTLAS is a public knowledge platform about how authoritarian systems work. It turns research findings into clear answers to the questions people ask when trying to understand elections, media, institutions, public resources, pressure, and everyday life in an authoritarian system.

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Based on academic research

The answers are based on relevant academic research on authoritarian systems, democratic backsliding, institutional capture, and the narrowing of civic rights and freedoms. AUTLAS connects findings from scholarly articles, books, and comparative studies and presents them in language accessible to the wider public.

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Practice documented in Serbia

AVtokratija is the Serbia case study within AUTLAS. It uses reports, analyses, and data from civil society organizations, independent institutions, professional associations, investigative media, and other relevant sources. General findings and evidence from Serbia are presented separately.

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Sources open to scrutiny

Each answer lists the sources used. Visitors can check which research, data, and reports underpin the conclusions. The authors of the research and the organizations that collected the data remain clearly credited.

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Why questions?

Knowledge about authoritarian systems is scattered across scholarly papers, books, databases, and reports. AUTLAS organizes it through 100 questions in 20 areas, so people can start with a phenomenon they recognize and understand the wider system to which it belongs.

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Focus on the system, not on blaming people

Authoritarian systems change the rules, narrow the range of choices, raise the cost of refusal, and create the impression that nothing can change. AUTLAS therefore analyzes rules, incentives, pressures, and institutional mechanisms - rather than blaming people trying to live and work within such a system.

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Who is behind AUTLAS?

AUTLAS and AVtokratija were conceived and are being developed by Civic Initiatives. Civic Initiatives is the author and editor of the website and is responsible for topic selection, treatment of sources, and presentation. The content is updated and corrected in line with new research and reliable data.

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